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August 1, 2006

Thinking for Ourselves

In the larger scheme of things, our society is advancing intellectually, not regressing. We no longer think the Earth is flat. We no longer think the Sun revolves around the Earth. And we are less likely to believe government propaganda in times of war.

It is true many of our American brothers and sisters have no clue and believe what they are told if they even have an opinion at all. And I take no comfort in the fact that over 50 million people voted for Bush in 2004 despite uncontroverted evidence that he is dishonest and incompetent, or that some people still think that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction before the U.S. invaded in March 2003.

But as explained in last Sunday's New York Times, there is more public division over the Iraq War than there ever was over Vietnam. This may surprise some people whose image of 1960's draws from newsreels of street protests and hippies. But it took years for the public to truly turn against that vulgar war, and remember that in 1968 -- the year of the protest and the high water mark of the hippie era -- voters elected Richard Nixon as president, as reactionary and conservative a candidate as we could ever imagine.

According to the Times, "No military conflict in modern times has divided Americans on partisan lines more than the war in Iraq, scholars and pollsters say — not even Vietnam. . . . And those divisions are likely to intensify in what is expected to be a contentious fall election campaign. The latest New York Times/CBS News poll shows what one expert describes as a continuing 'chasm' between the way Republicans and Democrats see the war. Three-fourths of the Republicans, for example, said the United States did the right thing in taking military action against Iraq, while just 24 percent of the Democrats did. Independents split down the middle. 'The present divisions are quite without precedent,' said Ole R. Holsti, a professor of political science at Duke University and the author of 'Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy.' The Vietnam War caused a wrenching debate that echoes to this day and shaped both parties, but at the time, public opinion did not divide so starkly on party lines, experts say. The partisan divide on Iraq has fluctuated but endured across two intensely fought campaigns in which war and peace — and the overarching campaign against terrorism — have figured heavily. Each party has its internal differences, especially on future strategy for Iraq."

Thank God for this divide. Imagine if people thought like sheep and went along with the government whenever it told us to support the war. This is what happened during the Vietnam War, and nearly 60,000 American men died, not to mention over a million war dead on the other side.

Vietnam had one positive consequence: it made the American people more skeptical over war and it's now much harder to convince the public to support armed conflict. This is called the " Vietnam Syndrome."

After the Gulf War in 1991, the first President Bush was triumphant, declaring, "By God, we've kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all!" This revealing comment shed light on the government's motives during that war, when we claimed to care about the sovereignty of Kuwait, which Saddam Hussein had invaded, even though our government routinely supports military governments and looks the other way when our allies do the same thing. The first President Bush's reference to ridding ourselves of the Vietnam Syndrome confirmed what we had suspected all along: he was a war-monger. Fortunately, the Gulf War did not help Bush I gain re-election. His campaign was destroyed by a bad economy.

While the public is still easily manipulated, it's harder to shove garbage down our throats. Owing to the fact that we still swallow our share of bullshit, I would say that we take two steps forward for each step back.

It's a tough road. The con artists are working on new ways to advance propaganda. As the Times indicates in Sunday's story, the Republicans will campaign this fall on a war platform and try to show the Democrats are anti-war weaklings who don't care about American security. I leave nothing past these animals in their efforts to scare the shit out of us in supporting a few more years of militarism.

One disturbing aspect of public opinion and foreign policy is that the suits who run the government think that bi-partisanship over foreign policy is a good thing. According to the Times, "Many experts and members of both parties say they worry about the long-term consequences of such bitter partisan polarization and its effect on the longstanding tradition — although one often honored in the breach — that foreign policy is built on bipartisan trust and consensus. 'The old idea that politics stops at the water's edge is no longer with us, and I think we've lost something as a result,' said John C. Danforth, a former senator and an ambassador to the United Nations under President Bush. Senator Richard J. Durbin, Democrat of Illinois, said, 'There used to be some unwritten rules when it came to foreign policy.'"

I reject any notion that it's good manners to avoid dissent on matters of foreign policy. Good manners gets our children and friends and brothers and sisters maimed and killed. These are not usually the children of politicians who articulate an Ivory Tower notion of foreign policy holding that we all have united interests around the world. We do not. There may have been a day when we all agreed on foreign policy and no one second guessed the government on war and peace. If the presidency of George W. Bush has accomplished anything, it's that those days are behind us, praise the Lord.

August 4, 2006

Beatles on YouTube

YouTube.com is a place where people post a lot of crap, but cutting through the crap are the following Beatles-related videos and concert footage which ought to be bookmarked and saved for a rainy day.

The concert footage is mostly taken from Europe and Japan where the fans were not screaming as much as American fans and you can actually hear the performances, which are quite good even though the Beatles were growing tired of touring and by the time they embarked on the next tour they had already taken their music to the next level in the recording studio.

The Beatles stopped playing live in 1966, but in 1969 they played five or six songs on the rooftop of the recording studio while filming the Let it Be movie, a documentary about the album. On a whim, they played on the rooftop in chilly January before the police told them to stop.

The videos seem primitive by today's standards, but they actually capture to mood of the songs and the times, particularly as the Beatles entered the psychedelic era. There was no MTV back then, so the Beatles themselves star in them, making use of whatever props were lying around. This makes the psychedelic era stuff interesting period pieces.

I put these songs in rough chronological order, and that way you can see the musical progression through the 1960's. The Beatles took the 1960's by tail and swung it around, and the 1960's followed suit. I would have to say at this point that this rapidly changing decade would have been quite different without them.

If you have to watch only one video, click on Hey Jude. They did this song in a TV studio and fans were invited to watch. As the song crescendos, the fans approach the stage and sing and clap. It is surprising that no one was hurt or attacked and the Beatles had no problem with this kind of audience participation. I can't recall when this many commonfolk got so close to the Beatles. Only a few years earlier, the Beatles were mobbed wherever they went, but in 1968 the fans were mature enough to mingle with them without incident. It is both chilling and heartwarming to see the Beatles close up with the fans while performing perhaps their greatest song.

Starting with Imagine, I have also linked to some solo material, either concert footage or more traditional videos. The Bangladesh concert took place in 1971 when George Harrison raised money for victims in that ravaged third-world country. Bob Dylan also (reluctantly) performed, and their duet is not available on the soundtrack.

Much of the solo material is from the early 1970's shortly after the breakup, and as you can see (and hear) the goose was still laying golden eggs.

Please Please Me
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qfzQyzZBd84

I Should Have Known Better
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T_wL0IlB-cA

I Feel Fine (live)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PykzyxWYS3Y

Help!
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ceoY48Imdh8

Yesterday (live)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X7q5CgcR03M

If I Needed Someone (live in Japan)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SxjlZYoWgJo

Day Tripper (live in Japan)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RSvpeUsL1YQ

Nowhere Man (live in Germany)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x3bjKDd1yWQ

In My Life
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RQbiynRY2k4

Rain
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WJxnSHbaees

Paperback Writer
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nmF7wb2pIiM

A Day in the Life
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XWjVffR5EdM

It's Only a Northern Song
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uG5DhjyLLaM

I am the Walrus
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KSKTVej-bVA

Strawberry Fields Forever
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fj6QROm-Rf0

Penny Lane
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=imOssEBRUUc

Lady Madonna
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J4XVQ8tDKhY

Hey Bulldog
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_fOs2Snt62U

Hey Jude
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BD3ovfZXO5Q

Revolution
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gf-Q2rDd6Tw

The Long and Winding Road
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=COMsKPeWAsw

Two of Us
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oWAzCm6fq40

Let it Be
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UWh2jIuWt30

Get Back (rooftop concert)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-6G7MkBMVxE

Don't Let Me Down (rooftop concert)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jPgEoBlNuqM

One after 909 (rooftop concert)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-o9NSjVEfis

Something
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wtBVF1D-QN8

While My Guitar Gently Weeps (1988 Rock and Roll Hall of Fame induction with George, Ringo and Eric Clapton)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vw9CaPR1yho

Solo material

Imagine
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zj8LR25HeJA

Jealous Guy
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZhzW8ULhV0Y

Awaiting on You All (fan tribute)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_P-2MthG190&search=george%20harrison

My Sweet Lord (live from Bangladesh concert)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=95LFNe3Uw-w

If Not For You (live with Bob Dylan from Bangladesh concert)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hy9RzeOzQeg

Homeward Bound (with Paul Simon on Saturday Night Live)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tCMxPMWKQZQ

Here Comes the Sun (with Paul Simon on Saturday Night Live)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UQsHQ6Az6U0

Blow Away
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hy9RzeOzQeg

All Those Years Ago
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7UMBbD8o8_E

All Things Must Pass (1997 TV studio)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YSTolqJJRq4

End of the Line
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U7xVXlL1nDE

Handle with Care
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aO4c72jq6pw

Maybe I'm Amazed
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SEdiGC-ZNiU

Junior's Farm
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pWlbgm-HVlA

Photograph (fan video)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eDCFjj4La_E

August 7, 2006

Arthur Lee is Dead

There are great albums, and then there are great albums. In 1967, Arther Lee recorded the greatest of them all: Forever Changes. He died last week of leukemia at the age of 61.

Arthur Lee's band, Love, was the prototypical 1960's psychedelic rock group. Some bands preached peace and love, but only one band called itself Love. They looked the part. Publicity photos showed Love posing at Arthur's Los Angeles house, the Castle , former home to Bela Lugosi, who played Dracula in the movies. They wore granny glasses and psychedelic clothing. But unlike their counterparts in San Francisco (i.e., the Jefferson Airplane and the Grateful Dead), Love saw the world quite differently.

Every aficionado has his favorite movies, books and records. Forever Changes has to be the most popular but under-rated album of all time. The album still draws a blank among most rock fans who are fed a steady diet of classic rock on the radio, with its limited playlists and safe song choices. But any list of all-time greatest albums brings Forever Changes into the top 100, particularly among rock critics.

I discovered Love in high school in the early 1980's, looking for some good 60's rock amid the trash that was popular back then. The Rolling Stone Record Guide gave Forever Changes five stars and said it was "indescribably essential." True, but there's a reason Forever Changes never took off.

The album was too dark for the 1960's. And it's too dark for today. The music both masked and complimented the darkness. While Love used an orchestra for some of the songs and acoustic guitars strum all over the place, the lyrics were dark and foreboding. As Wikipedia tells it:

Rooted in acoustics, the album's lyrics were a perfect summation of the year 1967, at times joyous, at times contemplative, at times downright devastating.

"When I did that album," commented Arthur Lee, "I thought I was going to die at that particular time, so those were my last words."

This is borne out by perhaps the most famous lines from the album, on the song "The Red Telephone":

"Sitting on a hillside Watching all the people die I'll feel much better on the other side."

It's as if Arthur foresaw the Charles Manson killings in Los Angeles two years later, or channelled both the ghetto and the blinding sunshine that drenched the city. The lyrics were dark and mysterious, but there was a rhyme to Arthur's reason. In his study of the album from the book "Forever Changes" (33 and a third series), Andrew Hultkrans writes that the lyrics were likely influenced by a play, Marad/Sade, "a brechtian inquiry into the meaning of revolution, 'staged' in 1809 at Paris' Charenton Asylim by its mentally ill inmates." According to Hultkrans, the play involves an uprising among the inmates led by a paranoiac. By the end of the play, the revolutionary leader is killed, triggering chaotic revolt, and "they destroy the play's set with mad glee, leaving the audience in a situation where the inmates have, quite literally, taken over the asylum."

More broadly, the lyrics are straight out of the 1960's, but this album best conveys the yin-yang of that decade: beauty and hope surrounds us, but a dark side that cannot be ignored. As the New York Times wrote over the weekend , "With eccentric songs that joined the jangly guitars of folk-rock with urgent, angry rhythms and yet also leaned toward sophisticated pop with delicate horn and string arrangements, Love was one of the defining groups of the psychedelic era in Los Angeles."

The anger and beauty surfaces in A House is Not a Motel , where Arthur rips through the following lyrics:

By the time that I'm through singing
The bells from the schools of walls will be ringing
More confusions, blood transfusions
The news today will be the movies for tomorrow
And the water's turned to blood
And if you don't think so
Go turn on your tub
And if it's mixed with mud
You see it turn to gray
And you can call my name

But in contrast, in the beautiful The Good Humor Man, Arthur sees the hum-drum world through psychedelic glasses, turning everyday life into a meditation on normalcy. Arthur's world was changing, but at first glance, the world as a whole was the same. Hummingbirds, playgrounds and children co-existed with a world gone mad. I see the Beatles' Penny Lane in the same light. No one else wrote songs like this, to my knowledge.

The lyrics support what the Rolling Stone Record Guide said about the album: it sounds like the soundtrack to an LSD movie. But it's not just the disturbing and provocative lyrics. What really sells the album is the music. Rolling Stone Record Guide: "the music has an exotic frothiness and the string settings are among the most gorgeous in rock history. Even the lyrics, while occasionally demented, were usually too inchoate to be anything but curiously passionate love songs."

Few rock albums offer more variety without a wasted note or bad song. Soft acoustics, orchestration, hard rock solos. The band plays as tight as a size 8 sweater on a size 12 body. And as a guitarist, Arthur used chords that most rock musicians ignore: major seventh chords and similarly-shaped open chords up and down the guitar neck which give us that haunting sound. Guitarists will know what I'm talking about. Non-musicians will hear these sounds and realize that few rock bands used chords like this. That's why the songs are so distinctive.

In his study of the Los Angeles music scene, Waiting for the Sun, Barney Hoskyns sums up the album:

Here it all is on one album: the sound of Los Angeles undergoing its metamorphosis from jingle-jangle innocence into strange-days weirdness, a band celebrating 'the scene' while hinting strongly that all was not as groovy as it seemed. With a musical backdrop consisting of equal parts mariachi brass, Los Angeles Philharmonic strings, Bacharach-style chord changes and acid-rock guitars, Lee . . . captured the surreal flavour of 'the times' in a way that was unrivalled by any other Los Angeles bands. If 'Between Clark and Hilldale' was a gorgeous anthem of Sunset Strip nightlife and [Bryan] Maclean's 'Old Man' was as kitch as a Montmartre clown, 'The Red Telephone' was as disturbing as One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest, and 'Live and Let Live' wasn't far behind.

The following comments from MTV news website are also on point:

By the time Love released their third album, Forever Changes, in 1968, they were one of the most popular and influential acts in Los Angeles (they used their clout to get their friends the Doors inked to Elektra), but that album would, well, forever change everything.

Lee had earned a reputation as being both an incredibly talented — and increasingly troubled — songwriter and musician, and Forever Changes showed him both at the top of his craft and the bottom of his despair. The album perfectly fuses folk-rock with subtle psychedelic touches, adding horns and strings to the mix to form a sound that's truly Baroque in scope and execution, while Lee's warbly vocals and head-scratching lyrics only hinted at the mental anguish he felt inside (it has since been widely reported that when he was making the record, Lee was sure he was going to die, so he wanted it to serve as his final statement).

Though the album was never a huge commercial hit in the States (the band's odd refusal to tour outside California unquestionably played a role in its limited success), it has since earned its rightful place alongside other psychedelic touchstones of the day, including Pink Floyd's Piper at the Gates of Dawn and the Zombies' Odessey and Oracle. And in the decades following its release, Forever Changes has only grown in stature and influence: Everyone from Robert Plant to Siouxie Sioux to Neutral Milk Hotel's Jeff Magnum has touted the album's sonic grandeur and psychic frailty, and a Rolling Stone poll cited it as the 40th greatest album of all time.

The future looked bright for Arthur. He was only 22 when Love recorded Forever Changes. Elektra Records was starting to sign rock bands and Love had generated a following in Los Angeles. But they did not tour outside of California and Love's label-mates, the Doors, grew more popular. But the Doors couldn't touch Love.

Arthur Lee gave us Forever Changes and its strange beauty because he was not like other rock stars. He was black and fronted one of the few inter-racial bands of the 1960's. Like Jimi Hendrix, Arthur mostly catered to a white audience. Born in Memphis, he moved to Los Angeles and hooked up with musicians just as the Beatles revolutionized the music industry. No longer would bands just sing about boyfriends and girlfriends. Now under the influence of Bob Dylan and the Beatles, bands explored isolation, alienation, loneliness, broken relationships. Love mentored the Doors, who got some great ideas from Arthur.

Love had its problems, for sure. Plagued by drugs and in-fighting, Arthur broke up Love after Forever Changes and continued on with a semi-solo career with other outfits, also called Love, with no success. He threw all his eggs in one basket, over the hill at 23. Victimized by California's draconian three-strikes-and-yer-out criminal laws, he went to jail in the mid-1990's after allegedly firing a gun into the air. But he got out a few years ago and began playing live again, recreating Forever Changes in concert. Then he got leukemia.

For a few years, Arthur Lee was a rock genius. Barely a month goes by when I do not listen this album. It remains the standard by which all rock albums will be judged. Forever Changes is an album that no one gets tired of. That he recorded this album and never again came close to its perfection adds to the mystique. It's hard to imagine the rock and roll discography without this album. My suggestion: order the album immediately .

August 9, 2006

The nuclear near-miss

Where were you on September 26, 1983? I was in high school, staring out the window. Where were you on September 27, 1983? You might not have survived to see September 27. In a little-known episode that would have changed the course of human history, a nuclear war nearly broke out due a computer malfunction.

I saw a documentary on this a few years ago and found a summary of the incident in the below article. On September 26, 1983, a computer malfunction led a Soviet official to believe that the United States was launching nuclear missiles at Russia. For those of you too young to remember, the Soviet Union was our enemy back then and President Reagan made it his mission to demonize Russia and he once joked that we would wipe out that country with nuclear missiles . So when the Soviets saw that missiles were on the way, they might have easily retaliated and obliterated American cities. U.S. relations with the Soviet Union were at an all-time low in 1983 as Reagan jump-started the Cold War and Russia-phobia was the national religion. With Reagan's rhetoric, it would not have surprised the Soviets that he was firing nuclear missiles. But Lt. Col. Stanislav Petrov, using quick judgment, thought better of it.

We often get caught up in debates about left and right wing views and ideology. But we often overlook the X factor in politics and global relations: sheer incompetence, human error and computer malfunctions. Funny that we hear very little about this near-miss today, but computer malfunction nearly wiped us out.

These kinds of errors happen every day, as shown by the huge number of death row inmates who walk free after DNA evidence exonerates them even though so-called eyewitnesses swore that this guy killed someone, and even after the inmate confesses falsely under pressure from aggressive detectives or mental illness. Human error and incompetence reign supreme in our world, and it nearly killed us in 1983.

Published on Tuesday, September 23, 2003 by CommonDreams.org
Global Disaster Averted by a Forgotten Hero of Our Time
by Douglas Mattern

"I think that this is the closest we've come to accidental nuclear war."
-- (Bruce Blair, Director, Center for Defense Information, Dateline NBC, Nov. 12, 2000)

This month marks the 20th anniversary of an incident that could have resulted in nuclear war. The forgotten hero that singularly avoided this disaster through his cool judgment under incredible pressure is Lt. Colonel Stanislav Petrov, formerly of the Soviet Army.

It was the night of September 26, 1983, with Colonel Petrov in charge of 200 men operating a Russian early warning bunker just south of Moscow. Petrov's job was monitoring incoming signals from satellites. He reported directly to the Russian early warning-system headquarters that reported to the Soviet leader on the possibility of launching a retaliatory attack.

It's important to note that this was a period of high tension between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. President Reagan was calling the Soviets the "Evil Empire." The Russian military shot down a Korean passenger jet just three weeks prior to this incident, and the U.S. and NATO were organizing a military exercise that centered on using tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. Soviet leaders were worried the west was planning a nuclear attack.

In an interview with the English newspaper Daily Mail, Colonel Petrov recalls that fateful night when alarms went off and the early warning computer screens were showing a nuclear attack launched by the United States. "I felt as if I'd been punched in my nervous system. There was a huge map of the States with a U.S. base lit up, showing that the missiles had been launched."

For several minutes Petrov held a phone in one hand and an intercom in the other as alarms continued blaring, red lights blinking, and the computers reporting that U.S. missiles were on their way. In the midst of this horrific chaos and terror, the prospect of the end of civilization itself, Petrov made an historic decision not to alert higher authorities, believing in his gut and hoping with all that is sacred, that contrary to what all the sophisticated equipment was reporting, this alarm was an error.

"I didn't want to make a mistake," Petrov said, "I made a decision and that was it." The Daily Mail wrote, "Had Petrov cracked and triggered a response, Soviet missiles would have rained down on U.S. cities. In turn, that would have brought a devastating response from the Pentagon."

As agonizing minutes passed, Petrov's decision proved correct. It was a computer error that signaled a U.S. attack. In the Daily Mail interview, Petrov said,"After it was over, I drank half a liter of vodka as if it were only a glass, and slept for 28 hours," and he commented, "In principle, a nuclear war could have broken out. The whole world could have been destroyed."

In our increasingly superficial societies that praise celebrities and all manner of fools as role models, many legitimate heroes go unnoticed and without reward. In the case of Colonel Petrov, he was dismissed from the Army on a pension that in succeeding years would prove nearly worthless. Petrov's superiors were reprimanded for the computer error, and in the Soviet system, all in the group were automatically subjected to the same treatment.

The Daily Mirror found Petrov's health destroyed by the terrible stress of the incident. His wife died of cancer and he lives alone in a second-floor flat in a dreary town of Fyranzino about 30 miles from Moscow.

"Once I would have liked to have been given some credit for what I did," said Petrov, "But it is to long ago and today everything is emotionally burned out inside me. I still have a bitter feeling inside my soul as I remember the way I was treated."

There have been many incidents like September 26, 1983; just how many we may never know. We do know that little has changed as thousands of U.S. and Russian nuclear warheads remain on "hair-trigger alert" that could be launched in a few minutes notice destroying both countries in less than one hour -- perhaps initiated by a computer error.

To end this utter madness all nuclear warheads must be removed from "hair-trigger" alert and placed in storage with continuous inspection by both sides and the United Nations. Only then will be daily threat of nuclear incineration by an accident missile launch or miscalculation be eliminated.

In an interview with Stanislav Petrov on Dateline NBC (Nov. 12, 2000) reporter Dennis Murphy said: "I know you don't regard yourself as a hero, Colonel, but, belatedly, on behalf of the people in Washington, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, thank you for being on duty that night."

At the close of the Dateline NBC interview with Stanislav Petrov on Nov. 12, 2000, anchor Stone Phillips said, "Some of you may be wondering just how verifiable this story is. Well, a former CIA official we spoke to told us it is confirmed by Russian and other sources and that he believes it. He says Petrov's account is consistent with what we knew about the Soviet early warning system at the time and the way it was operated. He also notes that the Russian government has never challenged the story."

Long overdue, the Association of World Citizens is recognizing Stanislav Petrov and the debt we all owe him with a Distinguished World Citizen Award to be presented in a public ceremony in Moscow.

August 10, 2006

50 percent of the American public still thinks Iraq had WMD's

According to a recent public opinion poll, despite clear evidence to the contrary, half the population thinks that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction when the U.S. invaded in March 2003. To quote rock critic Greil Marcus in a different context (reviewing a lousy Bob Dylan album in 1970), What is this shit?

Associated Press reported this issue a few days ago and tried to get to the bottom of this, theorizing that right wing ideologues are still pushing the WMD theory and that people are loathe to think that the government lied its way into a war that has killed over 2,000 Americans. The article points out that President Bush lied in a speech to West Point graduates recently in announcing that Saddam Hussein was no cooperating with weapons inspectors:

As recently as May 27, Bush told West Point graduates, "When the United Nations Security Council gave him one final chance to disclose and disarm, or face serious consequences, he refused to take that final opportunity."

"Which isn't true," observed Kathleen Hall Jamieson, a scholar of presidential rhetoric at the University of Pennsylvania. But "it doesn't surprise me when presidents reconstruct reality to make their policies defensible." This president may even have convinced himself it's true, she said.

It is true that the right wing has been pushing the WMD theory, particularly arguing that some empty shells found in Iraq confirm that Iraq was a threat. But this theory is bogus and a full analysis of how this propaganda continues to thrive is a sad commentary on our political culture. As set forth by MediaMatters.com:

Fox News' Brit Hume, John Gibson, and Jim Angle, as well as nationally syndicated radio hosts Rush Limbaugh and Janet Parshall, continued to ignore conclusive assertions of intelligence officials that the degraded chemical munitions found in Iraq and hyped by Sen. Rick Santorum and House Intelligence Committee Chairman Peter Hoekstra were not, in fact, in the category of "weapons of mass destruction" that the U.S. was looking for at the time of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion.

Maybe you can't blame people for kidding themselves about the government's truthfulness when it comes to war and peace. Thousands of U.S. soldiers are dead or maimed and who knows how many Iraqis have suffered the same fate since March 2003, when we bombarded the country with the full force of the strongest military the planet has ever seen.

Soldiers' funerals and feel-good stories have filled the local newspapers for three years now as reporters and editors try to stay away from asking hard questions in covering the loss of a local boy who joined the military because he thought he was fighting for freedom. We have all read these stories. How many of them quote the soldier's parents like this: "He wanted to avenge September 11. He wanted to fight to keep us free and safe in this country. He is a hero." Who has the guts to tell these parents otherwise in their time of grief?

So we pussyfoot around the hard questions. It is too much to say that people died in vain. Other countries send their young into senseless battle, not us. But we do it, too. And we do it by convincing ourselves that the war was worth fighting. The best way to do that is by swallowing what the government tells us. That's why 50 percent of the American people still think Iraq had WMD's, even when our own government has abandoned that justification.

The other reason why people still think Iraq had chemical and biological weapons is because, for the most part, Americans are uninformed. In New York City, two tabloids, the Daily News and New York Post, devote 40 percent of the paper to sports, and much of the rest is gossip and soft news.

In Connecticut, an anti-war newcomer ousted veteran U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman, who has supported the Iraq War. This race got lots of attention around the country as a belle weather for the mid-term elections in 2006, but the primary election still generated a less than 50 percent turnout. The people who didn't vote: do they have children, or nieces or nephews in the army? Might their own kids be drafted to fight in some war 10 years from now as an outgrowth of the Bush's conflicts? Ignorance is death, and in this case, that's a literal statement.

August 11, 2006

Sleaze and Terror

The Republican sleaze machine succeeded in attacking John Kerry's war record while all along George W. Bush's National Guard record was extremely questionable. And they were able to highlight some dumb misstatements by Kerry when Bush himself cannot speak a coherent sentence. That the Republicans got away with this in 2004 says as much about the Democratic Party and the American public's willingness to swallow it as it says about the propagandists in the Bush administration.

This time around, the sleaze machine -- aware that Bush's public approval ratings are in the toilet -- are blasting the opposition for kicking out Senator Joe Lieberman, a pro-Iraq war incumbent, in favor of an anti-war newcomer. The failed terror plot in England this week makes things even worse.

The New York Times reported on Wednesday that

Republicans began a concerted effort to use Mr. Lieberman's defeat to portray Democrats as weak on national defense, reprising a theme that they made central to the last two national campaigns. The attacks came in searing remarks from, among others, Ken Mehlman, the chairman of the Republican National Committee and Vice President Dick Cheney, who went so far as to suggest that the ouster of Mr. Lieberman might encourage "al Qaeda types." "It's an unfortunate development, I think, from the standpoint of the Democratic Party, to see a man like Lieberman pushed aside because of his willingness to support an aggressive posture in terms of our national security strategy,'' Mr. Cheney said in a telephone interview with news service reporters.


Cheney also reportedly said that Al-Qaida is "betting on the proposition that ultimately they can break the will of the American people in terms of our ability to stay in the fight and complete the task." White House spokesman Tony Snow put it more succinctly, "A white flag [in Iraq] in short means a white flag in the war on terror." As media analyst Eric Alterman puts it,
"What is so damn ironic about this of course, is the fact that the invasion of Iraq was a present to Al Qaeda, a never-ending recruitment video for them, to say nothing of the fact that the administration's obsessive focus on it is what allowed Bin Laden and his lieutenants to get away."


Friday's New York Times dutifully reported how the failed terror plot will be exploited by the Republicans this fall as they try to revive a sinking political party and once again scare the crap out of the American public:

Republicans seized on the arrests of terrorism suspects in Britain yesterday to bolster a White House campaign to turn national security issues to their advantage this fall, arguing that the nation needs tough Republican policies to protect Americans from threats from abroad.

Officials in both parties said they viewed the arrests as critical in determining how they would approach the fall campaign, with Republicans saying it could be a turning point in a year in which they have been on the defensive over the war in Iraq and other issues.

The developments played neatly into the White House-led effort, after Senator Joseph I. Lieberman, Democrat of Connecticut, lost on Tuesday to an antiwar primary challenger, to remind voters of the threats facing the nation and to cast Democrats as timid on national defense.

The arrests were announced less than 24 hours after Vice President Dick Cheney and other Republican officials suggested that Mr. Lieberman's defeat reflected the world view of a Democratic Party that was not prepared to lead the nation in such dangerous times.

Mr. Cheney, who a spokesman said had been kept abreast of the investigation, suggested in his remarks Wednesday that the outcome of a Democratic primary in Connecticut could embolden " Al Qaeda types."

These Republican sleaze balls who consistently turn the tables against the opposition party in an effort to make them look weak and unpatriotic grow even more shameful by the hour. Dick Cheney in particular is the attack dog, snarl and all, who uttered in 2004 maybe the worst comment ever made during a presidential election: if Kerry were elected, the United States risked falling back into a "pre-9/11 mind-set" and that "It's absolutely essential that eight weeks from today, on Nov. 2, we make the right choice, because if we make the wrong choice then the danger is that we'll get hit again and we'll be hit in a way that will be devastating from the standpoint of the United States."

It's funny how the Republicans claim the Democrats are weak on terror, when the Republicans themselves have f*cked up in any number of ways. In covering a recent expose on Rudolph Guiliani, Wednesday's New York Daily News reports that that

as early as 1990, the FDNY was describing its radios in agency memos as "obsolete" and "totally inadequate" - but the same radios were still in use in 2001. The effect was tragic, many believe. Scores of firefighters - equipped with radios that couldn't communicate with NYPD brass - were unable to heed warnings the second tower was about to collapse. "The question of why nothing was done about the radios came up in multiple interviews," said 9/11 commission lawyer Sam Caspersen. "And we never got a good response." The book notes that, in private testimony before the 9/11 commission, Giuliani said, "In my first few years as mayor I thought there was a definite terrorist threat."
So when the Towers were burning and about to collapse, firefighters and police officers could not communicate with each other. It was pure chaos, made worse by faulty and outdated communications tools thanks to the negligence of the Mayor who became a national icon because of his so-called leadership after 9/11.

August 14, 2006

A "little" sexual abuse is OK in some prisons

Let's say you're an inmate, and a corrections officer forces you to masturbate in her presence. Of course, you don't want to do this, but you have no choice because the officer has authority over you and who knows what will happen if you defy her orders? So you comply and humiliate yourself. Then you bring a lawsuit to hold the corrections officer accountable. One of your claims is that the humiliation violated the constitutional protection against cruel and unusual punishment, which covers jailhouse abuses by corrections officers. Easy case, right? I mean, the least that corrections officers can do while you're in custody is to avoid forcing you to masturbate. Right? Wrong.

In a court ruling that has astounded some legal observers, a court in Atlanta has ruled that the forced masturbation does not violate the prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment. The court ruled that being forced to masturbate in front of a corrections officer is not a significant injury that's worth suing over: "a female prison guard's solicitation of a male prisoner's manual masturbation, even under the threat of reprisal, does not present more than de minimis injury."

De mininus is Latin for minimal, or trivial. Inmates can sue over any number of things, like getting beaten by officers or being denied necessary medical care. But public humiliation is not enough. While the court said that severe sexual abuse can support a lawsuit, forced masturbation is not "sufficiently serious."

Here were the facts as alleged by the inmate: Between July and November 2003 in Smith State Prison in Glennville, Georgia, [officer] Harris repeatedly approached [inmate] Boxer's jail cell and demanded that he strip naked and perform sexual acts of self-gratification. On 5 July 2003, Boxer complained that his food was cold and that his tray was dirty. Harris stated that she would get him a new dinner if he did her a "favor": "to show her [his] penis" while she watched through the flap in the prison door. Boxer declined, and Harris promised retribution. Incidents of this nature continued for the next several months.

The court did say this violated the inmate's right to privacy, but that he could not sue under the broader protections generally afforded inmates under the Eighth Amendment, which governs prison conditions. Privacy claims are esoteric but Eighth Amendments are not. The Eighth Amendment is the provision under the Constitution which most inmates invoke when they sue the jail or its corrections officers.

One judge on the court was outraged over the claim that the inmate "suffered a 'little' sexual abuse. This judge said that "here is no meaningful debate in our society--nor has there ever been--about whether forced masturbation is 'part of the penalty that criminal offenders pay for their offenses against society.'"

This judge added, "the . . . opinion holds that there is no Eighth Amendment violation because the harm inflicted was de minimis. It is unclear to me what rationale the panel uses to support its position. Does the panel opinion stand for the proposition that the sexual abuse of prisoners is not offensive to contemporary standards of decency and human dignity? Is the opinion suggesting that the Constitution permits a 'little' sexual abuse? The [court] 'join[s] other circuits recognizing that severe or repetitive sexual abuse of a prisoner by a prison official can violate the Eighth Amendment.' Yet, the [court] fails to explain why forced masturbation is not severe sexual abuse or how such mistreatment is to be distinguished from other forms of sexual abuse prohibited by the Eighth Amendment."

Most people don't give a damn what happens in the prisons, assuming that the inmate deserves whatever abuse the officers heap on them. They feel this way until a friend or loved one, usually some errant cousin or nephew winds up in jail. Then you see the grey areas, particularly since not all inmates were murderers or child molesters. Notice how may death row inmates walk free because DNA testing shows that someone else committed the crime. Now imagine how many people are in jail for lesser crimes which do not attract the scrutiny necessary for second-guessing an inmate's guilt.

In a less enlightened time, our society actually conducted experiments on inmates. Society probably figured the inmates were low-lives whose functioning bodies made them perfect for guinea-pigging. At some point, we stopped that practice because it was seen as unethical. Guess what? There is talk of reviving these experiments. As the New York Times reported over the weekend:

An influential federal panel of medical advisers has recommended that the government loosen regulations that severely limit the testing of pharmaceuticals on prison inmates, a practice that was all but stopped three decades ago after revelations of abuse.

The proposed change includes provisions intended to prevent problems that plagued earlier programs. Nevertheless, it has dredged up a painful history of medical mistreatment and incited debate among prison rights advocates and researchers about whether prisoners can truly make uncoerced decisions, given the environment they live in.

August 18, 2006

Court finds that Bush broke the law

Is it too much to ask the President to follow the law? Here's what we learned in school. There are three branches of government in the American political system. The executive branch is the President, the legislative branch is the Congress and the judicial branch is the courts. The President enforces the laws, and that's why all the agencies, like the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Education, are part of the executive branch. Congress makes the laws, and the President ensures that the laws are faithfully executed, or carried out.

This may seem a simple review of high school social studies, but no one has explained this to George W. Bush and the lawyers who tell him what to do. We now have confirmation of this from a court ruling yesterday from a Federal judge who ruled that the 5 year old electronic eavesdropping program which the New York Times exposed last year is illegal because the President has authorized warrentless searches in violation of a Congressional statute.

Here is some background. In 1978, Congress passed a law which required the President to get permission from a special court (which meets in secret) to listen to phone calls. This was called the FISA law, short for Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. As the court pointed out yesterday, Congress did this because it found through an investigation that "every President since 1946 had engaged in warrantless wiretaps in the name of national security, and that there had been numerous political abuses."

The FISA law grants the President significant leeway to eavesdrop. The FISA Court -- set up in connection with the 1978 law -- almost always grants these requests to tap phones. The President can even ask the FISA Court for permission to do this after the tapping has begun. So they can tap the phones on Monday and request permission on Tuesday. This allows the President to wiretap in emergency situations. From time to time, the President has get more authorization to renew the wiretaps. So the FISA law protects privacy by making sure that judges review the wiretap application and it also allows the President some leeway to investigate illegal behavior and to keep track of foreign threats.

What did the Bush administration do? After 9/11 the Bush administration began eavesdropping on phone calls between Americans and foreigners based on suspicion of terrorism. We know how the terror threat justifies whatever this or any other President wants to do. So the administration did not bother going to the FISA Court for authorization to eavesdrop and it did not bother to comply with any of the requirements of the FISA law. What does this mean? The President did not take care to ensure that the laws were being faithfully executed, and he did not properly enforce laws passed by Congress. The President made up his own procedures without Congressional approval and did what he wanted.

Yesterday, a Federal judge in Michigan ruled that Bush broke the law in proceeding this way. The President violated FISA and the Constitution which protects against unreasonable searches and seizures and contains a requirement that warrants be obtained prior to a search.

I have no doubt that a terror threat exists and that eavesdropping on certain phone calls will stop certain acts of terror from happening. But this country operates under the rule of law. Richard Nixon resigned the presidency in 1974 because it was clear that he broke the law. Bill Clinton was impeached in 1998 because he lied under oath. Ronald Reagan's presidency was almost derailed because he ignored a law that prohibited U.S. assistance to the contra army in Nicaragua. Now Bush has been shown to have violated the law.

If Bush wanted to eavesdrop, his people should have gone to the FISA Court to get the warrants. In this day and age of computer technology, they could have cut and pasted their warrant applications and given them to a FISA Court that almost always grants these applications. In fact, does anyone doubt that the FISA Court would have given Bush carte blanch in the wake of September 11? But Bush and his lawyers did not do this because they could not be bothered, which is consistent with the administration's arrogance. And if Bush needed to eavesdrop in a way that the FISA Court would not allow, he could have asked Congress to change the law to make it easier. There is no doubt that the Republican majorities in Congress would have given Bush whatever he wanted in this regard and changed the FISA law.

So Bush got caught. He did this all in secret and the New York Times found out and published the story on the front page and a Federal judge said this procedure was illegal. Thank the Lord for a free press and thank the Lord for an independent judiciary. This Court ruling should be given to George W. Bush, and he should be forced to read it. Then he should give the country a nationally-televised book report on what the court ruling has taught him.

August 21, 2006

The Culture of Death, Parts I and II

Part I

War means death. You go to war, it's kill or be killed. You are trained to kill, and so when people die, they are dehumanized because the armed forces regards them as the enemy. So does the President, your Commander in Chief. Their world is not our world. Our world is turning on the TV to watch idiotic television and SUV commercials and men's magazines and beer and football. Their world is uncivilized and they are animals and, hey, it's war. Who's going to ask questions?

In Vietnam, the U.S. invasion killed hundreds of thousands, over a million people. That war ended in 1975, so millions of Americans know Vietnam as a piece of history, not something they lived through. Maybe they know about the war from a uncle who fought there, or from a cartoon history of the conflict which glosses over what really happened.

Current anti-war protesters are always compared with Vietnam protesters. Fair enough. What made Vietnam different is that young men stood a good chance of being drafted and their friends were coming home in boxes, sometimes hundreds per week. Nearly 60,000 in all. They also protested because a new consciousness arose during the 1960's. It wasn't cool to kill parents and children in foreign lands anymore. The below article appeared in the New York Times a few weeks ago. It explains why people protested. In Part II I will link this to current events.

Civilian Killings Went Unpunished Declassified papers show U.S. atrocities went far beyond My Lai. By Nick Turse and Deborah Nelson, Special to The Times August 6, 2006


The men of B Company were in a dangerous state of mind. They had lost five men in a firefight the day before. The morning of Feb. 8, 1968, brought unwelcome orders to resume their sweep of the countryside, a green patchwork of rice paddies along Vietnam's central coast.

They met no resistance as they entered a nondescript settlement in Quang Nam province. So Jamie Henry, a 20-year-old medic, set his rifle down in a hut, unfastened his bandoliers and lighted a cigarette.

Just then, the voice of a lieutenant crackled across the radio. He reported that he had rounded up 19 civilians, and wanted to know what to do with them. Henry later recalled the company commander's response:

Kill anything that moves.

Henry stepped outside the hut and saw a small crowd of women and children. Then the shooting began.

Moments later, the 19 villagers lay dead or dying.

Back home in California, Henry published an account of the slaughter and held a news conference to air his allegations. Yet he and other Vietnam veterans who spoke out about war crimes were branded traitors and fabricators. No one was ever prosecuted for the massacre.

Now, nearly 40 years later, declassified Army files show that Henry was telling the truth — about the Feb. 8 killings and a series of other atrocities by the men of B Company.

The files are part of a once-secret archive, assembled by a Pentagon task force in the early 1970s, that shows that confirmed atrocities by U.S. forces in Vietnam were more extensive than was previously known.

The documents detail 320 alleged incidents that were substantiated by Army investigators — not including the most notorious U.S. atrocity, the 1968 My Lai massacre.

Though not a complete accounting of Vietnam war crimes, the archive is the largest such collection to surface to date. About 9,000 pages, it includes investigative files, sworn statements by witnesses and status reports for top military brass.

The records describe recurrent attacks on ordinary Vietnamese — families in their homes, farmers in rice paddies, teenagers out fishing. Hundreds of soldiers, in interviews with investigators and letters to commanders, described a violent minority who murdered, raped and tortured with impunity.

Abuses were not confined to a few rogue units, a Times review of the files found. They were uncovered in every Army division that operated in Vietnam.

Retired Brig. Gen. John H. Johns, a Vietnam veteran who served on the task force, says he once supported keeping the records secret but now believes they deserve wide attention in light of alleged attacks on civilians and abuse of prisoners in Iraq.

"We can't change current practices unless we acknowledge the past," says Johns, 78.

Among the substantiated cases in the archive:

• Seven massacres from 1967 through 1971 in which at least 137 civilians died.

• Seventy-eight other attacks on noncombatants in which at least 57 were killed, 56 wounded and 15 sexually assaulted.

• One hundred forty-one instances in which U.S. soldiers tortured civilian detainees or prisoners of war with fists, sticks, bats, water or electric shock.

Investigators determined that evidence against 203 soldiers accused of harming Vietnamese civilians or prisoners was strong enough to warrant formal charges. These "founded" cases were referred to the soldiers' superiors for action.

Part II

Part I looked at Vietnam protests and linked to an article that showed how U.S. soldiers massacred the Vietnamese during that war and got away with it. Things were different in the 1960's. Back then, people asked more questions about the war but the overriding mentality was still that the U.S. would never start a war that did not deserve to be won, and that our leaders would only send young men to fight for a good cause.

The assumption that our wars are always good wars came into question during the 1960's and early 1970's, and people protested in the streets. Some of the protests arose from self-preservation: I don't want to be drafted and come home without a leg. But a new intellectual consciousness arose during that time when Americans began to wonder what right we had to intervene in foreign lands and to impose our will by force.

Vietnam taught us not to fight wars without a clear objective, and to make sure we know what we're doing. Those lessons have been forgotten.

Soldiers and Marines and other members of the armed forces are ambassadors to the world. They screw up, that means that we screw up. Why do they hate us? Read on:

Marine didn't suspect Haditha wrongdoing
Sat Aug 19, 9:15 AM ET

The Marine officer in charge of troops suspected of killing 24 Iraqi men, women and children told investigators he did not initiate an inquiry into the carnage because he did not consider the deaths unusual, The Washington Post reported Saturday.

In a sworn statement given to military investigators in March, Lt. Col. Jeffrey R. Chessani said: "I thought it was very sad, very unfortunate, but at the time, I did not suspect any wrongdoing from my Marines." Chessani was commander of the 3rd Battalion of the 1st Marines.

"I did not have any reason to believe that this was anything other than combat action," he added.

The Post said it obtained a copy of Chessani's statement.

Reached by telephone late Friday, Marine Lt. Col. Sean Gibson, a spokesman on the Haditha case, said he had not seen the report and could not comment.

The Marine Corps has been investigating whether its troops deliberately killed the Iraqis in Haditha. The Marines also are looking into whether efforts were made to cover up the incident. Initially, the Marine Corps reported that 15 Iraqis had died in a roadside bombing or were caught in crossfire between Marines and insurgents. Survivors of the encounter and human rights groups, however, claimed that 24 Iraqi civilians had been deliberately shot to death by Marines.

The New York Times reported Thursday that military investigators have concluded that the Marines destroyed or withheld evidence.

. . .

Because attacks were so common, Chessani told investigators he saw the incident as part of a "complex attack" staged by the enemy, according to the newspaper. "I did not see any cause for alarm," he said.

The Haditha case is among recent cases of alleged atrocities against Iraqi civilians. Five soldiers and a former solider have been charged with raping and killing a 14-year-old Iraqi girl and killing her relatives in Mahmoudiya. Seven Marines and one Navy corpsman have been charged with premeditated murder in connection with the killing of an Iraqi man in Hamdania on April 26.






August 25, 2006

Why wouldn't Bush let the 9/11 Commission get to the bottom of things?

We don't put up with the neighbor's cat screeching into the night. We don't put up with the neighbor's dog going through our garbage. We don't put up with local politicians caught with their hands in the cookie jar. But we can live with a U.S President who actively obstructs the Commission assigned to get to the bottom of the 9/11 attacks.

The 9/11 Commission gave us a readable account of the terror attacks. But it had to pull teeth to get the Bush administration to cooperate. The administration would not turn over records and the President did not want to answer any questions. The chairmen of the 9/11 Commission have now published a book explaining what happened during the investigation. The following is excerpted from the New York Times Book Review:

The most comprehensive examination of the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, was conducted by the 9/11 Commission, chaired by Thomas H. Kean and Lee H. Hamilton. Now Kean, a former governor of New Jersey, and Hamilton, a former congressman from Indiana, have written "Without Precedent: The Inside Story of the 9/11 Commission." . . . The book offers little new information on the actual attacks, but provides a keyhole view of the commission's bureaucratic war with a White House obsessed with secrecy and control. Months after the commission's creation, the staff was still battling the White House and the Republican-controlled House Intelligence Committee to get a look at an earlier 9/11 investigation by Congress, the Joint Inquiry report, protected under a dubious claim of "congressional privilege." "This was frustrating," the exasperated Kean and Hamilton complain, "particularly since we were a creation of Congress." They add, "We were hung up with both Congress and the Bush administration over the documents that were mandated to be the starting point of our investigation." Things only got worse.

The man standing at the gate was Alberto Gonzales, then the White House counsel and now the attorney general. In public, George W. Bush was a president deeply concerned about getting to the bottom of the most deadly attack on American soil in the country's history. But in private, he ordered his lawyer to throw up every roadblock possible. In shirtsleeves behind the coffee table of his second-floor West Wing office, Gonzales spoke to the members of the commission as if they were bringing an insurance claim. "He never referred to the president by name or title," Kean and Hamilton report, "but rather always said 'client' — 'Let me take this back to my client,' or 'I've got to protect my client.'" The biggest battle came over access to the White House morning intelligence report, the President's Daily Brief, especially the one dated Aug. 6, 2001, barely a month before the attack. Titled "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S.," the document noted that the F.B.I. was investigating suspicious Qaeda activity on American soil "consistent with preparations for hijackings or other types of attacks, including recent surveillance of federal buildings in New York." When finally asked to provide the commission with his own testimony, the president said at first that he could spare only an hour of his time — and then with just the two chairmen. Later it was made clear that no recordings or transcripts would be permitted.

. . .

The White House gave in to the demand to meet with the full membership, but there was no way the president was going to testify publicly, or under oath. In fact, he insisted that he and Vice President Dick Cheney appear together, a move that led many skeptics to speculate that they wanted to ensure they kept their stories straight. Because of the insistence on secrecy, whatever was said in the room was largely lost to history.


So, the President would not turn over important documents. The administration did not want the 9/11 Commission see the smoking gun: an August 6, 2001 memo given to the President that said Bin Laden wanted to attack inside the United States and that terrorists were surveilling buildings in New York City. We know that Bush was on vacation when he read this memo and told the guy who presented him with the smoking gun that he "covered your ass now." As Newsweek reminds us:

as Ron Suskind wrote at the beginning of his recent book, "The One Percent Doctrine: Deep Inside America's Pursuit of Its Enemies Since 9/11" (Simon & Schuster). Panicked CIA analysts flew to Texas to brief Bush personally in 2001, "to intrude on his vacation with face-to-face alerts." Bush sized them up, as is his wont, looking to judge the content of what they told him by the confidence with which the message was delivered. Bush wasn't convinced. "All right," said the president, "You've covered your ass now."


Three weeks later, we suffer the worst terror attacks on U.S. soil in our history. It's no wonder Bush and Co. did not want the Commission to see this memo. The question would be: Mr. President, with all due respect, how did you respond to this memo? Why did you not return to Washington to deal with this threat? What were you doing in Texas at the ranch in the afternoon, after you read this memo? Did you consider issuing an Executive Order that would lock down the airports and put the airlines on alert?

Questions like this would shed light on how the administration was taking care to protect the homeland. But when Bush finally answered the 9/11 Commission's questions, he would not do so without Dick Cheney in the room, and he would not answer questions under oath.

Bill Clinton was impeached because he falsely answered questions under oath about a sexual relationship. But George W. Bush was re-elected even though he would not answer questions under oath about the darkest day in U.S. history. Which is worse? You know damn well which is worse.

August 28, 2006

Normal people and landmark Supreme Court cases

The Supreme Court is the most fascinating part of our political system because it's supposed to make decisions without regard for the political consequences. The judges sit for life and have to explain their decisions through logic and case precedent. This may sound boring, but without an independent Supreme Court, civil rights will always be decided by popular majority. If you have unique or unpopular views, you're out in the cold.

There was a time back in the 1950s and 1960s that the Supreme Court actively worked to protect civil rights even though many of its decisions were unpopular at the time. Imagine conformist 1950s America voluntarily deciding to open white schools to black children, or allowing Communists to print their own newspapers or giving rights to people accused of crimes. No chance. But the Supreme Court did these things and caught hell for it.

But the real heroes are not the judges who granted these rights but the everyday people who brought the lawsuits that gave the Supreme Court the opportunity to make these historic rulings. Cases do not just show up at the Supreme Court's door out of nowhere. People bring lawsuits which sometimes raise profound questions which the Supreme Court decides to resolve. So behind every landmark Supreme Court ruling is a person who got screwed and had the guts to file a legal challenge.

The obituary which ran in the New York Times over the weekend is one such person. If any of you want to thank someone for the fact that we do not live in a religious theocracy, thank the woman profiled below. If nothing else, read the third paragraph from the bottom and ask yourself what kind of hero would protect civil rights for all knowing what kind of abuse would be heaped upon her for objecting to religious conformity. Would you be willing to risk peace of mind over this?

Vashti McCollum, 93, Who Brought Landmark Church-State Suit, Is Dead
By DOUGLAS MARTIN
Vashti McCollum, whose lawsuit to stop religious instruction on school property led to a landmark ruling by the United States Supreme Court in 1948 to protect the separation of church and state in education, died Sunday in Champaign, Ill. She was 93.

Her death was confirmed by her son James, whose refusal as a fifth grader to attend voluntary religious instruction led to the lawsuit.

Mrs. McCollum, who called herself an atheist in Illinois court proceedings but later preferred the word "humanist," said her son was ostracized and embarrassed by his schoolmates because she refused to let him attend the religion classes at his public school in Champaign. The classes for Protestants were on school premises; Jews and Roman Catholics went to religious buildings elsewhere.

She also contended that the classes were a misuse and waste of taxpayers' money, discriminated against minority faiths and were an unconstitutional merger of church and state.

After losing in two Illinois courts, Mrs. McCollum won an 8-to-1 decision by the Supreme Court. Justice Hugo L. Black, who wrote the majority opinion, said the practice in Champaign was "beyond all question" using tax-established and tax-supported schools "to aid religious groups to spread their faith," and, he added, "It falls squarely under the ban of the First Amendment."

A critical issue in the case was whether the Constitution's ban on establishing religion meant that all sects must be treated equally, as lawyers for Champaign argued was the case in their schools — or whether it required strict neutrality between belief and unbelief, Mrs. McCollum's contention. She won.

"The First Amendment rests upon the premise that both religion and government can best work to achieve their lofty aims if each is left free from the other in its respective sphere," Justice Black wrote.

The case was also important because it extended the First Amendment's protections to the states by using the due process clause of the much later 14th Amendment as justification. As such, all other cases that test Jefferson's wall of "separation of church and state" — including school prayer, aid to parochial schools and sectarian religious displays on public property — descend from this case.

The language used in comments immediately after the Supreme Court's ruling would percolate in debates for decades. The Catholic bishops, for example, accused the court of making a religion of secularism.

In 1952, the Supreme Court revisited the issue of religious instruction in Zorach v. Clauson. The 6-to-3 ruling in that case held that a New York program allowing religious education during the school day was permissible because it did not use public school facilities or public money.

Vashti Ruth Cromwell was born in Lyons, N.Y., on Nov. 6, 1912, and grew up in Rochester. She was named for the queen of the Persian King Xerxes depicted in Esther 1 in the Bible who refuses to obey her husband's order and is divorced for her spunk.

Her father, Arthur G. Cromwell, was an architect who read the works of atheists like Spinoza and Thomas Paine, then read seven versions of the Bible. After letting the conflicting ideas germinate for years, he had become a vocal atheist by the time his two daughters were in college, James McCollum said.

Mr. Cromwell was president of the Rochester Society of Free Thinkers and had persuaded the state education commissioner to end religious instruction in the schools of the one county in which it was permitted before his daughter filed suit to accomplish the same thing.

Vashti Cromwell received a scholarship to Cornell, but the money ran out during the Depression and she transferred to the University of Illinois, where she majored in political science and took courses at the law school. At the university, she met John Paschal McCollum, a professor of vegetable crops in the horticultural department, and they married in 1933.

After her children were older, Mrs. McCollum earned a master's degree in mass communications at the university.

She is survived by her sons James, of Emerson, Ark., Dannel, of Champaign, and Errol, of Moline, Ill.; her sister, Helen Curtis, who lives in a Rochester suburb; six grandchildren; and six great-grandchildren.

James McCollum, the oldest son, said that he at first had wanted to attend the religion classes, but that his mother objected. After a few months, he was allowed to go, but found the classes childish and "silly." The next year, he said, he told his parents he did not wish to attend.

His mother talked with the school system's superintendent, but he said there was nothing he could do. She was careful to say that she was making no criticism of religion, The New York Daily News reported in 1945.

She then sued with the help of a local Unitarian minister and financial support from a group of Jewish businessmen in Chicago. Her opponents, in addition to the City of Champaign, were church federations.

A dramatic moment during the initial trial of the case came when Mrs. McCollum's father said he did not believe in God, and a gasp went up from the crowd. Later, James McCollum said the same thing. Both "affirmed" that they would tell the truth instead of swearing by God. Mrs. McCollum called herself "a rationalist or an atheist."

Time magazine observed that the trial shared "features that made the Scopes 'monkey trial' a sideshow'' of the 1920's.

In the three-year legal battle, Mrs. McCollum received physical threats and was fired from her job as a dance instructor at the university. At Halloween, a mob of trick-or-treaters pelted the McCollum family with rotten tomatoes and cabbages. The family cat was lynched.

Mrs. McCollum wrote a book on the case, "One Woman's Fight," became a world traveler and served two terms as president of the American Humanist Association.

"We don't bother ourselves with the question of whether there is or isn't a God," she said in a speech in 1948.


August 30, 2006

Outrageous Slander from the World's Worst Hypocrite

The Republican election strategy for 2006 and 2008 is to recycle what worked in 2002 and 2004: fear and terror. Scare the shit out of the American public and convince them that catastrophic disaster awaits us if the Democrats are elected and the Bush policies are defeated. This is a shameful strategy and should be condemned in the harshest of terms.

An opening salvo was launched yesterday by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who said as follows (according to Associated Press):

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said Tuesday the world faces "a new type of fascism" and likened critics of the Bush administration's war strategy to those who tried to appease the Nazis in the 1930s.

In unusually explicit terms, Rumsfeld portrayed the administration's critics as suffering from "moral or intellectual confusion" about what threatens the nation's security. His remarks amounted to one of his most pointed defenses of President Bush' war policies and was among his toughest attacks on Bush's critics.

Speaking to several thousand veterans at the American Legion's national convention, Rumsfeld recited what he called the lessons of history, including the failure to confront Hitler. He quoted Winston Churchill as observing that trying to accommodate Hitler was "a bit like feeding a crocodile, hoping it would eat you last."

"I recount this history because once again we face similar challenges in efforts to confront the rising threat of a new type of fascism," he said.

"Can we truly afford to believe that somehow, some way, vicious extremists can be appeased?" he asked.

"Can we truly afford to return to the destructive view that America — not the enemy — is the real source of the world's troubles?"

Rumsfeld spoke to the American Legion as part of a coordinated White House strategy, in advance of the fifth anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, to take the offensive against administration critics at a time of doubt about the future of Iraq and growing calls to withdraw U.S. troops.

The rhetoric of the past is not good enough anymore. The Bush administration is not content to suggest that another September 11 awaits if we leave Iraq. (Never mind that September 11 happened on Bush's watch as he cleared brush at the ranch in Crawford, Texas while intelligence aides told him that bin Laden was planning an imminent terror attack). Now anti-war protesters and Democrats who want a timetable to leave Iraq are equated with those who appeased the Nazis in the 1930s and 1940s.

The consensus among those who examine public policy issues in a sober and rational manner is that the Iraq War has only emboldened the terrorists and has seriously distracted the effort to crush al-Queda. The war has costs billions of dollars and countless lives and made a bad situation worse in the world's number one hotspot. The general belief among experts is that this country is less safe because of the Iraq War. Go to the library and read any number of books which have been published over the past few years on this topic.

Rumsfeld is the last person to talk about appeasement. The last person on Earth, in fact. In 1983, he went to Iraq at the behest of President Reagan. The greatest story never told in the mainstream media is that there is a Saddam in Rumseld's closet . I urge everyone to read the linked article about Rumsfeld's past relationship with Saddam. Here are some excerpts:

Five years before Saddam Hussein's now infamous 1988 gassing of the Kurds, a key meeting took place in Baghdad that would play a significant role in forging close ties between Saddam Hussein and Washington. It happened at a time when Saddam was first alleged to have used chemical weapons. The meeting in late December 1983 paved the way for an official restoration of relations between Iraq and the US, which had been severed since the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.

With the Iran-Iraq war escalating, President Ronald Reagan dispatched his Middle East envoy, a former secretary of defense, to Baghdad with a hand-written letter to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and a message that Washington was willing at any moment to resume diplomatic relations.

That envoy was Donald Rumsfeld.

Rumsfeld's December 19-20, 1983 visit to Baghdad made him the highest-ranking US official to visit Iraq in 6 years. He met Saddam and the two discussed "topics of mutual interest," according to the Iraqi Foreign Ministry. "[Saddam] made it clear that Iraq was not interested in making mischief in the world," Rumsfeld later told The New York Times. "It struck us as useful to have a relationship, given that we were interested in solving the Mideast problems."

Just 12 days after the meeting, on January 1, 1984, The Washington Post reported that the United States "in a shift in policy, has informed friendly Persian Gulf nations that the defeat of Iraq in the 3-year-old war with Iran would be 'contrary to U.S. interests' and has made several moves to prevent that result."

In March of 1984, with the Iran-Iraq war growing more brutal by the day, Rumsfeld was back in Baghdad for meetings with then-Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz. On the day of his visit, March 24th, UPI reported from the United Nations: "Mustard gas laced with a nerve agent has been used on Iranian soldiers in the 43-month Persian Gulf War between Iran and Iraq, a team of U.N. experts has concluded... Meanwhile, in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad, U.S. presidential envoy Donald Rumsfeld held talks with Foreign Minister Tarek Aziz (sic) on the Gulf war before leaving for an unspecified destination."

The day before, the Iranian news agency alleged that Iraq launched another chemical weapons assault on the southern battlefront, injuring 600 Iranian soldiers. "Chemical weapons in the form of aerial bombs have been used in the areas inspected in Iran by the specialists," the U.N. report said. "The types of chemical agents used were bis-(2-chlorethyl)-sulfide, also known as mustard gas, and ethyl N, N-dimethylphosphoroamidocyanidate, a nerve agent known as Tabun."

Prior to the release of the UN report, the US State Department on March 5th had issued a statement saying "available evidence indicates that Iraq has used lethal chemical weapons."

Commenting on the UN report, US Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick was quoted by The New York Times as saying, "We think that the use of chemical weapons is a very serious matter. We've made that clear in general and particular."

Compared with the rhetoric emanating from the current administration, based on speculations about what Saddam might have, Kirkpatrick's reaction was hardly a call to action.

Most glaring is that Donald Rumsfeld was in Iraq as the 1984 UN report was issued and said nothing about the allegations of chemical weapons use, despite State Department "evidence." On the contrary, The New York Times reported from Baghdad on March 29, 1984, "American diplomats pronounce themselves satisfied with relations between Iraq and the United States and suggest that normal diplomatic ties have been restored in all but name."

. . .

Throughout the period that Rumsfeld was Reagan's Middle East envoy, Iraq was frantically purchasing hardware from American firms, empowered by the White House to sell. The buying frenzy began immediately after Iraq was removed from the list of alleged sponsors of terrorism in 1982. According to a February 13, 1991 Los Angeles Times article:

"First on Hussein's shopping list was helicopters -- he bought 60 Hughes helicopters and trainers with little notice. However, a second order of 10 twin-engine Bell "Huey" helicopters, like those used to carry combat troops in Vietnam, prompted congressional opposition in August, 1983... Nonetheless, the sale was approved."

In 1984, according to The LA Times, the State Department—in the name of "increased American penetration of the extremely competitive civilian aircraft market"—pushed through the sale of 45 Bell 214ST helicopters to Iraq. The helicopters, worth some $200 million, were originally designed for military purposes. The New York Times later reported that Saddam "transferred many, if not all [of these helicopters] to his military."

In 1988, Saddam's forces attacked Kurdish civilians with poisonous gas from Iraqi helicopters and planes. U.S. intelligence sources told The LA Times in 1991, they "believe that the American-built helicopters were among those dropping the deadly bombs."

In response to the gassing, sweeping sanctions were unanimously passed by the US Senate that would have denied Iraq access to most US technology. The measure was killed by the White House.

Senior officials later told reporters they did not press for punishment of Iraq at the time because they wanted to shore up Iraq's ability to pursue the war with Iran. Extensive research uncovered no public statements by Donald Rumsfeld publicly expressing even remote concern about Iraq's use or possession of chemical weapons until the week Iraq invaded Kuwait in August 1990, when he appeared on an ABC news special.

The National Security Archive has also researched the issue. These are people who put the Internet to good use: finding out the truth about American foreign policy, including the good, the bad and the ugly, and then posting original documents on-line. This (from a 2003 press release) one is ugly:

The National Security Archive at George Washington University today published on the Web a series of declassified U.S. documents detailing the U.S. embrace of Saddam Hussein in the early 1980's, including the renewal of diplomatic relations that had been suspended since 1967. The documents show that during this period of renewed U.S. support for Saddam, he had invaded his neighbor (Iran), had long-range nuclear aspirations that would "probably" include "an eventual nuclear weapon capability," harbored known terrorists in Baghdad, abused the human rights of his citizens, and possessed and used chemical weapons on Iranians and his own people. The U.S. response was to renew ties, to provide intelligence and aid to ensure Iraq would not be defeated by Iran, and to send a high-level presidential envoy named Donald Rumsfeld to shake hands with Saddam (20 December 1983).

The declassified documents posted today include the briefing materials and diplomatic reporting on two Rumsfeld trips to Baghdad, reports on Iraqi chemical weapons use concurrent with the Reagan administration's decision to support Iraq, and decision directives signed by President Reagan that reveal the specific U.S. priorities for the region: preserving access to oil, expanding U.S. ability to project military power in the region, and protecting local allies from internal and external threats.

This is pretty damning stuff. Rumsfeld did not challenge Saddam on the use of chemical weapons. The Reagan administration -- the model for the Bush administration in many ways -- apologized for Saddam at his most dangerous. The White House crushed an effort by the U.S. Senate -- no bastion of humanity -- to impose sanctions against Iraq for gassing the Kurds.

Rumsfeld has the nerve say that war critics and even middle-of-the-roaders are soft on terrorism and comparable to Nazi appeasers. But Rumsfeld is the worst of them all. He is a disgrace to humanity, and a high noon example of how an intellectual prostitute can amble through life and say whatever you want if you pay him enough. And I condemn a political system which allows a pathetic hypocrite to get away with this kind of outrageous slander.

About August 2006

This page contains all entries posted to PsychSound by Steve Bergstein in August 2006. They are listed from oldest to newest.

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